The lexicographer's duty to cultural memory
Every lasting dictionary carries the fingerprints of its community. The most enduring reference works — from Samuel Johnson's rented garret to the resources assembled at Australia's National Dictionary Centre in Canberra — were never simply lists of headwords. They were attempts to bottle a way of life, to keep its terms alive long after the speakers who coined them had stopped using them in daily conversation. For T. J. Otlogetswe and other lexicographers working with under-documented languages, this responsibility weighs particularly heavily because so much of the cultural scaffolding sits, unwritten, in single specialised words.
The conversation has moved well past debates about spelling lists and citation counts. Today's researchers — including linguists working in places like Melbourne and Perth, where multicultural policy frameworks shape research funding — worry about concepts that resist simple one-to-one translation. Visitors to Otlogetswe's professional site can see how these concerns thread through his ongoing research. The worry centres on kinship logics, ritual stances, layered meanings packed into a single verb of greeting or departure. A dictionary entry that flattens such items into one neutral English gloss robs the language it claims to describe. The work ahead is technical and political at once, and it asks harder editorial questions of the people who compile these references.
What counts as a cultural concept
A cultural concept is not the same as a borrowed word. Every working language borrows — sushi, pizza, karaoke — but a concept tied to a particular epistemology or social structure is harder to relocate. Setswana carries expressions like go lebilwe for a kind of attentive, sustained care that English speakers often need two clauses to approximate. Compiling such items forces the lexicographer to choose: gloss briefly, give a long explanatory note, or refuse to translate at all and let the source lemma carry its native weight into the entry.
Yet refusing to translate risks isolating the entry from users who arrive as learners rather than heritage speakers. Many Australian users of community-language resources — say, a Melbournian learner working with Murrinh-Patha materials in a community college — want enough scaffolding to explore, not a sealed artefact. The negotiation between source-language richness and newcomer access runs through every editorial decision, and it shapes whether the resulting reference sits on shelves gathering dust or earns regular use by the people it was made for.
Lessons from Setswana and African lexicography
African lexicography offers some of the clearest test cases for cultural-concept preservation. Work by Setswana-language specialists draws on T. J. Otlogetswe's scholarly publications page, which lists projects ranging from Setswana-English school dictionaries to studies of borrowing patterns in Botswana's print media. The recurring methodological question is whether bilingual reference works can carry the morphology and idiom of the source without leaving the target readership stranded. Where source and target cultures disagree on the shape of, say, a kinship map, the dictionary must hold both views on the page at once, even when that means spilling past the standard entry format.
The lessons travel well. Researchers comparing legacy missionary entries with recent Australian resources compiled through AIATSIS have noted that well-meaning glosses can shrink a worldview into a single explanatory footnote. The remedy is rarely a single rule, but a discipline of returning to community speakers for every contested sense. A corpus built from running texts in the language itself can catch nuances that direct elicitation misses, though it cannot replace the negotiated conversation that defines cultural sense in its home community.
Parallel work across Australia and the Pacific
Australian lexicographers working on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander languages face versions of the same problem, often at smaller scale and with fewer institutional anchors. The Australian National Dictionary, with its tracking of budgie smugglers and bushranger legends across two centuries, shows that even mainstream English resources here must hold local colour and idiom. Resources for languages such as Yindjibarndi or Kriol do more delicate work — they protect vocabulary tied to ceremony and country, items that English simply does not have a slot for. Funding pathways through the Australia Council, state arts agencies, and the Indigenous Languages and Arts program keep the work possible, but the editorial labour itself is unglamorous: hours of transcription, second checks with elders, decisions about what gets prioritised before a second edition can be planned.
The contrast between mass-market dictionaries and community-led reference works shows in the scope of each entry. A commercial Australian publisher might treat mate and arvo with a smile and a one-line gloss, while a Warlpiri dictionary at Batchelor Institute in the Northern Territory reserves space for pragmatic markers that English renders with three or four chunks of grammar and discourse. The first keeps the casual user entertained; the second keeps the careful user accurately understood.
The toolkit of today's lexicographer
Today's practitioners work with corpora, fieldwork, and digital archives stacked on top of older paper traditions. Tools like FLEx, Sketch Engine, and emerging cloud-based concordancers make it easier to count examples, but they also make it tempting to treat frequency as authority. The responsible lexicographer still runs every dominant sense past a speaker, still checks a citation against context, still trims away attribution lines that flatten the people behind the words. Any reference work that drops community-checking in favour of pure machine output quickly drifts from descriptive accuracy into caricature of its own source material.
Translation theory sharpens the discussion further. Anyone who has compared subtitled anime with its dubbed counterparts knows how a literal dub compresses social register. The point is made at length in anime subtitle analysis, where writers note that subtitlers are freer to carry cultural cues that dubbing flattens. Lexicographers face a related tension: should a dictionary give the closest target-language equivalent, an explanatory paraphrase, or example sentences that show usage through the target tongue's own syntax? The choice signals whether the reference treats its source as authoritative or as one voice among many, and the answer shifts with each community the work serves.
Working with communities, not just about them
The hardest lessons arrive when projects finish and the speakers whose words have been catalogued see the final result. Consent, attribution, royalties for derivative digital reuse — these have moved from afterthoughts to opening paragraphs in serious lexicographic briefs. Partnerships with community organisations, such as the cultural-preservation efforts highlighted through community archive work, illustrate how language archives can be returned to the people they describe rather than locked inside paywalled academic journals.
Australian projects have been quietly leading on this front. AIATSIS's protocols require ongoing community review of any materials drawn from its holdings, and similar standards are spreading through institutions in Hobart, Adelaide, and Brisbane. The model asks lexicographers to share editorial control long before a manuscript reaches a typesetter. Done well, it produces dictionaries that communities recognise and can extend themselves; done poorly, it produces references that get politely ignored. For anyone working with a language that has known colonial-era contact — and most of the world's working tongues qualify — this ethical framing is no longer optional.
| Approach | Source-language orientation | Treatment of culturally-bound items | Community engagement | Typical reach |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Historical paper dictionaries | Source treated as fixed authority | Often gloss-heavy, sometimes reductive | Limited, mostly academic | International academic users |
| Community-led contemporary dictionaries | Source grounded in everyday speech | Long explanatory entries, multiple senses | Strong and ongoing | Heritage speakers and adult learners |
| Commercial bilingual dictionaries | Target readership foregrounded | Compact entries, sometimes oversimplified | Variable across publishers | Schools, general readers, bookshops |
| Corpus-driven digital dictionaries | Real usage examples guide sense order | Quality depends on corpus coverage | Light unless explicitly designed for it | Researchers, students, enthusiasts |
The responsibility translates into specific moves. Build the corpus with speakers, not just from archived texts; let every contested sense trigger a second review with a community consultant; publish under licences that allow communities to republish, adapt, and extend the work; and treat every dictionary as the beginning of a long conversation rather than a finished object. The lexicographer's role is to keep the cultural concept legible to its own community first, then to whoever comes next — and to know, at every step, that the dictionary is not the language itself, just one durable bridge to it.